Stephen T. Matenga
Zimbabwe has always made international headlines for both positive and negative reasons. This time it’s the case of delayed or is it the denied election results for the 29 March Harmonised Parliamentary and Presidential Election.
During the 1890’s Zimbabwe made headlines as ‘the country of milk and honey’ thereby prompting Cecil John Rhodes to mobilize an army to conquer the country for gold and other natural resources. Thus the country was named Rhodesia. Resistance to such brutal foreign occupation was met with repressive laws and military brutality by the occupiers. Ancestral leaders of the natives such as Nehanda and Kaguvi were executed thereby forcing the locals into submission.
Later, around the 1960s, nationalism arose fighting occupation of the then Rhodesia by an Armed Struggle in which nationalists such as Robert Mugabe and others emerged with a lot of following. They fought for land, equal voting rights, non segregation among other concerns. The Rhodesian regimes used force, brutality and oppressive laws but Independence was achieved through the barrel of the gun.
At independence in 1980, Mugabe then Prime Minister, announced a policy of reconciliation saying to the whites; ‘yesterday you were my enemy, today you are my brother.’ He even absorbed former members of the Rhodesian establishment into his governance structures including the army. He got worldwide accolades as ‘the beacon of Africa’s hope’, the best statesman Africa has ever seen.’ He was no longer the ‘blood thirst war monger or the dangerous terrorist or the evil that he was called as the leader of the guerrillas who fought for independence.
He made significant development and improvements in all sectors of the economy and society; Health, education, agriculture, industry, mining, infrastructure, economy, law and order, everywhere. He got a lot of respect and was showered with loads of awards and Honorary Degrees for such achievements becoming the world’s best educated leader with 16 degrees. He was even given the Knighthood of the British Empire.
However, his rule was not without problems. it started with the Zapu rebellion to his leadership and he responded by deploying the Korean trained 5th brigade to Matebeleland region where over 20 000 people were killed.
The 1990,s brought more problems. Besides the collapse of the one-party state, there was severe drought which also coincided with the introduction by the government, on IMF recommendation, the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP). ESAP failed dismally bringing resulting in job retrenchments,decay in welfare provisions, health delivery and caused severe economic chaos.
The involvement of Zimbabwe in the 1998 DRC war as well as the payment of hefty packages to veterans of the liberation war fueled inflation which has continuously risen from one digit at that time to about 165 000% today.
There was also the 1998 Land Donor Conference in which Britain,the former colonial master refused to pay compensation to white farmers of British ancestry for land redistribution to the black Zimbabweans arguing that Zimbabwe should instead pay. This provoked the war veterans and it was clear from that time that a land invasion was inevitable.
During the same period, there was also debate on a new constitution. The Government embarked on a referendum in which it lost as the people voted no to the government draft constitution. This was followed by violent invasions of white owned farms by war veterans and Zanu (PF) supporters ahead of the 2000 Elections.
In principle,both the ruling Zanu (PF) and the opposition MDC agree on the importance of a land reform as a way of both addressing a historic and colonial imbalance as well as empowering the people. However, MDC says it is opposed to the violent and lawlessness manner in which the land reform was undertaken and also alleging that cronyism and not merit ruled.
Britain, the EU and the US responded to the reform by imposing economic sanctions on Zimbabwe. It is debatable whether the sanctions are really targeted on individuals as claimed by the EU or they apply to the whole country as alleged by the Mugabe regime and also as witnessed by economic and social woes such as water shortages, power cuts, the black market, and ever rising prices.
This period was then followed by violent 2002 and 2005 elections where opposition elements were physically eliminated and silenced otherwise, independent media shutdown, murder, rape and the resultant brain drain as people fleed to other countries for both safety and 'greener pastures.'
The 2000's period brought more problems as the regime entrenched its rule. Inflation reached world time records, there was and still is acute foreign currency shortages, decline in tourism, prices reaching ceilings, potholes, sewages all over, the militarisation of democratic institutions, fuel shortages and the unleashing of state terror through draconian laws such as the Access to lnformation and Prtection of Privacy Act (AIP PA)which criminalises the practice of Journalism. The Public Order and Security Act (POSA) which undermines basic freedoms such as freedom of expression and freedom of association.
Given this background, it is lucid that Zimbabwe was born out of an armed struggle, got independence and flourished but has gone back to the dogs. It is better described as a collapsing or a failed state. It has become very painful to live in Zimbabwe as the cost of living is beyond the reach of the average person with some people saying life was much better in the colonial regime of Ian Smith.
The March 2008 Harmonised Election brought a lot of hope amongst the Zimbabweans as they hoped to usher in a new regime capable of restoring their fundamental rights and restoring the economy. The UN and the rest of the international community agreed that the Zimbabwean situation is a local challenge requiring a Zimbabwean solution. As such all hopes were put on this election. SADC appointed South African President Thabo Mbeki to mediate for a free and fair election and the Zanu (PF) regime made some concessions. It agreed to make some ammendments to POSA and AIPPA but did not repeal themas demanded by the opposition MDC which advocated for a new constitution before elections could be held. All the same, the opposition participated regardless of earlier threats to boycott the election.
While the doctrine of 'free and fair' elections is a mere subjective ideal, the March Election almost came closer to that before and during the election but not after. There was no violence between parties, within parties or from the state security agents as was always the case with all previous elections. Though late and inadequate, the opposition was given reasonable airplay on state media. Parties campaigned freely including the wearing of regalia. Specific international observers and media were banned from entering the country by the government on allegations of being bias and being part of the 'regime change agenda.' However, those media houses and observers which came had access to political parties, the local media and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) which ran the election. Results were displayed at all polling stations withing hours of counting. There were very short queues as a result of more polling stations being set-up though there were accusations that the government had printed almost double the number of required ballot paper raising fears of possible rigging. There was also significant participation of the civil society with the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) taking a very active role. The government is now alleging that ZESN rigged the election by bribing election personnel who are mainly civil servants.
To this extent, the election could be said to be closer to a free and fair election as provided by the SADC Guidelines and other international instruments. Of the four elections held under the March 2008 Harmonised Election, ZEC has produced three; local government, house of assembly and senatorial results. The problem now facing Zimbabwe is that three weeks after casting the ballot, they do not know who the next president is, they do not know who won the election. Everyone is waiting for the results of the presidential race. The results are affecting business operations particularly the stock exchange. Investors are holding back and people are hoarding goods thereby triggering inflation. Election results delayed are as good as election results denied.
The MDC took ZEC to court demanding that ZEC announces the results but the High Court threw the case out with costs. President Levy Mwanawasa called for an urgent SADC Summit in Zambia over the weekend but surprisingly the summit resolved that there is no crisis in Zimbabwe. The MDC has also called for a mass action whose results are yet to be seen. Zanu (PF) has asked ZEC to recount results of the poll citing gross electoral irregularities and ZEC has obliged.
This raises difficult questions as the drama unfolds. Is Mugabe refusing to accept the will of the people? Is he establishing a military state? Is he delaying to announce the results in order to temper around with the figures then claim victory? How can he call for a re-run or run-off when the results are not yet known? Isn't this suggestive of the fact that he is aware of the results and that he has lost? Is he clinging to power to die in office to avoid being tried for crimes against humanity? Is he not tempering with the people's patience thereby provoking violent uprising? Why is he refusing proposals for a government of national unity? When will he announce the results?
All these questions remain a thorn in the flesh of the electorate in particular and the Zimbabwean people at large. We respect the role that Mugabe has played to liberate and develop Zimbabwe but we hope that Mugabe will accept the will of the people and step down to allow for a new Zimbabwe where people can afford basic needs such as food,fuel, health,education, observance of fundamental human rights, a return to the rule of law and re-engagement into the international community.
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