As a step to transform its Western oriented(dependent) foreign policy into a multilateral one by the end of Cold War,Turkey’s opening to Sub-Saharan Africa came up throughout an official plan that was declared in 1998 by its Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Majorly designed by state bound actors such as diplomats and ambassadors, views of state free actors such as businessmen and think tank managers were also taken into account while drawing its diplomatic, political, economic and cultural components. Speaking in general and according to the Plan, Turkey would increase its representation in Sub-Saharan Africa, pay more President and Prime Minister level visits to Sub-Saharan Africa, sign more Trade and economic cooperation agreements with Sub-Saharan Africa, and provide more education possibilities to students from Sub-Saharan Africa.

The components could not be activated at the first years of the plan’s publication due to domestic political and economic concerns. Turkey had to face with a serious confrontation between its President and Prime Minister that actually triggered the already cramped economic liquidity. At the end of 2003 elections that brought Justice and Development Party to power for the name of a permanent solution according to the majority, Turkish foreign policy on Sub-Saharan Africa gained a new momentum towards more integration with the continent. Once the feasibility studies were completed until 2008, it was time to collect the fruits. Between 2008 and 2012, the Turkish state opened 21 new embassies in the region in addition to 13 ones that were opened by Sub-Saharan African states in Turkey. Not only Turkey paid 21 Turkish President, Prime Minister and Ministry of Foreign Affairs level visits to Sub-Saharan Africa, but also it hosted 26 similar levels visits from Sub-Saharan Africa. Economically speaking, Turkish foreign trade volume reached to 5,443 million USD with Sub-Saharan Africa that was accompanied with Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreements signed with 12 different Sub-Saharan African states. Last but not least, 1726 students from 40 different Sub-Saharan Africa states received scholarships of Turkish Ministry of Education.

Regarding the 1998 Opening Plan and the efforts of Justice and Development Party to implement it, situating Turkish Prime Minister’s Gabon, Niger and Senegal visits on January 2013 over Turkey’s opening to Sub-Saharan Africa would be the best option. As Financial Times commented last week, these visits Turkey showed its high motivation to increase its influence on Sub-Saharan Africa compared to China, Brazil and India by these visits. On the other hand, the visits paid to Gabon, Niger and Senegal also showed how stable Erdogan was in Turkey’s ambition for Sub-Saharan Africa. Having attracted the world opinion by being the first-non-African originated state man who visited Somalia after 20 years in 2011, Erdogan showed how Turkey takes care of Sub-Saharan Africa together with its states and people in Gabon,Niger and Senegal.

Having been in Gabon first, Erdogan’s agenda concerned signing joint economic commission first meeting protocol, visa free agreement for diplomatic passports, and cooperation agreements in agriculture and health. Besides the diplomatic aspect of Gabon visit, Erdogan also introduced the 300 Turkish businessmen who hold 65 billion USD giro to the Gabonese market. One day spent in Gabon, Erdogan’s and his convoy’s next step was Niger. Having attended the Turkey-Niger Business forum with the President Yusuf Muhammed, Erdogan discussed the business opportunities for constructing hydroelectric plants and dams with the Turkish and Niger businessmen. The visit also included signing of various agreements including economic, commercial and technical cooperation, cooperation on sanitation, cooperation on water and forestry and abolition of visas to diplomatic passports. After 1,5 days spent in Niger, Senegal became Erdogan’s last stop. Joining the Turkish-Senegalese Business forum with a total amount of 600 businessmen, Erdogan finished his trip on 11th of January and returned Turkey.

On the final analysis, the five days Africa trip to Gabon, Niger and Senegal formed the last step of Turkey’s opening to Sub-Saharan Africa. Suitable to the political, diplomatic, and economic components of the plan, Turkey established new partnerships with Sub-Saharan Africa regarding visa free, trade, and development of bilateral relations. However, four aspects of these visits need further attention compared to the fact that they actually form Turkey’s opening to this region.First of all, Erdogan did not emphasize that these visits were paid in the context of opening plan. Even though he realized it, he never referred to previous facts on Turkey’s steps towards Sub-Saharan Africa. Unlike his press release when he came back from Somalia on August 2011 where he said his visit to Somalis was a necessity of the 1998 Plan, he did not settle his visits to Gabon,Niger and Senegal on Turkey’s any official projects. Instead, he preferred to call Turkish and African businessmen to make business together and to develop the region in a cooperative way. Second, Erdogan used the Gabonese Parliament as a platform to criticize the Assad regime in Syria which actually happened first time in Turkish state’s high level visits to Sub-Saharan Africa. Before the Gabon, Niger and Senegal visits, none of the Presidents, Prime Minister or Ministry of Foreign Affairs talked of something totally out of context than their actual agenda in Sub-Saharan Africa. Third, this visit also became a platform where Erdogan criticized the Western world directly of how they made suffer the Africans in the colonial past and indirectly of how they are still trying to exploit the African land. Taking into account Sub-Saharan Africa was one of the regions where Turkey wanted to multilaterize its foreign policy against the Western oriented (monopolized) foreign policy, Erdogan’s indirect criticism to Europe definitely carried a strict message to the European Union that still suspends Turkey’s membership. Fourth and last, the business elites who accompanied Erdogan got the most efficient opportunity by the organized business forums in three countries one after another to introduce themselves into the African market. Erdogan well managed to merge Turkish and African businessmen for trade cooperation in the future.

All in all, it is certain that Turkey follows a very active foreign policy on Sub-Saharan Africa. The latest visits of Prime Minister Erdogan with 300 businessmen and 5 statesmen were a great example of this activity. Started in 2008, Turkey did not only increase its high level visits but also augmented the capacity of its economic relations with Sub-Saharan Africa. In this context, Erdogan as a state bound actor guides the businessmen as the state free actors in Turkey’s economic opening to the region. Turkish state did not only get the necessary license to search for oil in Uganda and gold/diamond mines in Botswana but also oriented Turkish businessmen for more stable economic relations with Sub-Saharan Africa. Apparently, Turkish businessmen envoy fishing ships to Gambia, search for gold in Burkina Faso, employs its citizen as the responsible from Vodafone Africa, opens an electrics&electronics shop in Tanzania, builds steel construction in Gabon, and launches an airplane company in South Sudan. Things seem very profitable for the Turkish state and private entrepreneurs, however, it must be known that a 5 days visit to Sub-Saharan Africa could never be satisfactory for Turkey to replace China, India or Brazil that are competing with the Europeans for the markets there. Turkey seems successful regarding what it offered in the Plan and what it did. However, neither political or economic steps would be enough for a state that wants to take Africa under its control unless it also works on the culture. Turkish society does not know Africa yet, and the state who orients businessmen for trade promotion should also do the same for its non-business actors to get more accurate outcomes from its opening plan.