Humanitarian agencies have confirmed that the interahamwe and their counterparts, the former soldiers of the Habyarimana regime, the ex-FAR, remain settled in refugees camps in western Tanzania disguising as genuine refugees who fled the conflicts in Burundi.
But while these killers may have decided to change their bases, their mission remain the same- kill all Tutsi even if that involves destabilization of the whole region.


It seems now that after many years of ineffective attacks on Rwanda and Burundi, these death squads have now decided to switch to destabilize the Great Lakes peace pact.
Burundi, a country that in recent weeks has been tethering on the brink. In August 2006, Hutu rebels allied to the Forces for National Liberation (FNL) stepped up their attacks against Burundi"s Army. The success reached in recent power sharing deal is acting as a catalyst. The rebels have taken advantage of the deal and have opted to mount pressure on Burundi. Pierre Nkurunziza"s Tutsi –dominated army has not taken these lightly and is now squaring with some of the internally based rebel groups who continue to run the power game.
The consequence of this increased turmoil is a rise in civilian toll. By the end of November 2006, the FNL rebels had step-up their onslaught to an ethnic protracted war thus threatening the Great Lakes peace initiative. At the same time the power sharing government in Burundi ticks as the rebels continues to mobilize hundreds of thousands of its supporters to special regroupment camps so as to launch an assault against the fragile transitional government of President Pierre Nkurunziza.
The rebels have also accused the South African Special Forces who are in Burundi to oversee the disarmament and demobilization of former rebel fighters of siding with the government of president Nkurunziza.
Though it is easy to understand why the militia has turned its attention on derailing the deal, ethnic persuasions remains a factor in the conflict in Great Lakes. It only needs the correct timing and willing ethnic demagogues. Like elsewhere in the continent, the latter are in abundance and one of these, the interahamwe, has offered to inflame the conflict in the Great Lakes.
Regional Military analysts have asserted that the interahamwe were forced to relocate to Tanzania since it became hard for them to operate from the jungles in eastern DRC.
The reason being that the jungle is under control of anti-interahamwe Congolese rebels.
In the face of these, the Great Lakes peace pact demanded the immediate disbarment of all armed groups and repatriation of suspected war criminals to stand trial.
And in the wake of international recognition of the Great Lakes peace pact on security, these gangs of killers have chosen to fund another haven. What aided their slippage into Tanzania was the large number of fleeing refugees. It"s estimated that close to 275,000 Burundians refugees were holed up in camps in Kigoma, Kasulu, Kibondo and Ngara.
Past history has shown a surge of ethnic based political radicalization whenever they have pitched camp. The role of Tanzania as an exporter of instability to Burundi is set to expand.
What however set this latest outgoing by the interahamwe aside is the timing of their movement and activities. A regional analyst is saying that the changed strategy and the partial assertion to the power sharing deal by the interahamwe as part of a greater strategy to further throw the region into turmoil. The militia, says the analyst are merely a Trojan horse of more powerful forces and fingers have pointed to the embattled Burundian president Pierre Nkurunziza. The trio, says retired Col.Jan Kimenju have now decided 'to take the war to where it came from". This is by targeting Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda, Congo"s eastern neighbors have a history of backing various rebels" factions. That is why the fear of what Col Kimenju calls a 'more destructive regional war with stronger ethnic overtones" remains great.
If the stability of the Great Lakes remains unchecked, the possibility of a more serious conflict between countries in the region is not far fetched. In the past the armies of the both Uganda, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo have engaged in skirmishes over the issue of the Congo-based rebels.
It is against such background that the rebel FNL group made claims that the Burundi army was poised to attack the DRC ''under the pretext that DRC is harboring" FNL rebels. In a statement, the group cautioned Burundi to be committed to the peace process and "not to regret afterwards for any negligence". Burundi subsequently refuted the accusations.
But the Burundi-Tanzania issue pales to insignificant if Rwanda decides to respond to the presence of the interahamwe in that country. Top leadership in Kigali are still haunted by the genocide and have so far demonstrated their determination to preventing a repeat of the genocide even if this means an invasion against Tanzania or the DRC.
At the moment the possibility of action against Tanzania is remote but that is not an assurance for Dar es Salaam when dealing with the likes of Rwanda"s president Paul Kagame who never viewed the D.R.C campaign as one of armed aggression, rather he chose to paint it to be a quest for Rwanda"s own survival. The lesson here is that both Tanzania and the DRC should be wary of who they are harboring as the determination of Rwanda and Burundi in tracking down genocidaires seem infinite no matter the route it takes.
If the Interahamwe opts to continue pitching camps in Tanzania and DRC and continue to profit from the post genocide instability facing the region, then the price to pay will be of self destruction.
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