There are plenty of entrenched presidents in Africa that could give good impersonation of recently deposed Arab tyrants.

The sit-tight syndrome of African leaders

When Abdoulaye Wade was elected in office in 2000, Senegal received applause across the world for what was a landmark event. When he clinched victory, many thought the saviour they had waited for had come.

On a continent where Head of States are rarely beaten, it was a surprise, even among distinguished African analysts, when President Abdou Diouf called his long-time nemesis to congratulate him and acknowledge his triumph.

Despite the promise of democracy during his inauguration in 2000, the Senegal of Wade has declined to the point of a mere electoral authoritarian.

In recent times, the ugly and enervating bug of political instability and incessant wars that have plagued many African nations may be looming in Senegal.

The modus operandi of all would-be-dictators is essentially the same: besides parliament, if there is a credible one, they seize control of state institutions (the security forces, the media, the civil service, the judiciary and the electoral commission), pack them with apparatchiks to serve their interest. Their principal aim is to cling to power so that they can freely plunder the public treasury and the national economy.

The muddled and forestalled story of Senegal has become a prevalent narrative across much of the continent, symptomatic of what political analysts increasingly regard as an African disease.

Election-related meltdown in Senegal is a stark reminder of democracy’s fragile foothold in Africa. A combination of challenges unique to the continent, including worsening poverty and inconsistent international engagement is blamed for fueling a string of setbacks. After some progress in the late 1990s, once-promising governments have regressed, particularly around election time.

The Senegalese constitution only allows an incumbent to serve for two terms. President Wade has angered the international community, including the quartet of USA, France, Great-Britain and Canada, by insisting on an interpretation of the electoral code which would allow him to run again in the forthcoming elections in February 2012.

The recent letter sent by four influential members of the US Congress urging him not to run for re-election is a testament of the fear of a copy-cat Ivorian conflict. The authors of the letter including, Christopher A. Coons, chairman of the US Senate subcommittee on Africa, Johnny Isakson, Chris Smith and Donald Payne.

Electoral violence and dangerous rhetoric

Senegal, unlike most other countries in the Sub-Saharan Africa has been a beacon and bastion of hope and political stability. It has spared of the unfortunate perennial problems of war – but Octogenarian Wade’s attempt to alter the constitution highlights Senegal’s decline as a model of democracy in troubled Africa.

During his years of struggle against the former socialist ruling party, Mr Wade was charged with various offences, which he said were politically motivated – and he often went on hunger strike to demand his freedom.

Many analysts and well respected “think-tanks” now fear that he is using the same “bully-boy” tactics to sideline at any costs potential rivals like the popular youth leaders Barthelemy Dias and Malick Noel Seck.

Barthelemy Dias the charismatic leader of the youth wing of the Socialist Party, and a district Mayor in Dakar was attacked at his office in December 22nd by armed thugs hell-bent on harming him. Despite Mr Dias using a licensed fire-arm to defend himself and his staff – and without a thorough investigation, he was held by the police for five days. He was subsequently charged and remanded in custody on three charges: Murder, assault and battery, and illegal possession of firearms.

According to Human Rights Watch and other quangos, the charges against Mr Dias are without a shadow of a doubt politically motivated – and could not stand before any independent court of law.

Mr B. Dias was threatened and attacked by armed men associated with the ruling party – and this was brazenly corroborated by President Wade himself during an interview with journalists from France24 and Radio France International: this was an attempt on the young socialist leader’s life.

Malick Noel Seck is a political activist who heads the Socialist Convergence, a youth movement linked to the Senegalese Socialist Party. He was arrested on October 10th 2011, for delivering an open letter to the president of the Constitutional Council asking it to reject the third term candidacy of the incumbent for the next presidential election. He was charged with making death threats against the members of the Constitutional Council and “contempt of the court”.

These arrests appear to be part of a larger crackdown on political activists ahead of the elections – and many observers believe these charges are arbitrary – and are harbinger of an outbreak of the Ivorian syndrome: a low point in Senegal’s fragile Human Rights records.

President Wade understands that ideologically driven individuals like the aforementioned activists are often “first actors” in the street and catalysts for uprising. He understands that such activists could lead large numbers of dissatisfied citizens across the bridge of fear to the land of freedom – especially on the eve of presidential election.

The political landscape in the Teranga’s country has been closed down: media and journalists are being harassed. Opposition figures are unable to operate freely and the security services are continuing to infringe Human Rights - which has led to the regrettable death last week.

Some of the people who are supposed to protect the judiciary and stamp out intimidation (i.e. the interior minister) are the very ones who are fanning the flames of a culture of threat and intimidation. There are serious breaches of the independence of the judiciary on Mr Dias and Malick Noel Seck cases –and by taking the judiciary hostage; Wade creates a culture of lawlessness which cannot be appropriate in a democratic society.

History has shown that even those who rose to power with good intentions soon became corrupt. They took advantage of their position to enrich themselves and their family and friends. Then in order to protect their wealth and power, they silenced those who threatened their authority. As one injustice led to another, and as their friends became fewer, they grew increasingly paranoid and oppressive. They desperately clung to power in fear that if they lost control then they might also lose their fortunes, their freedom, and possibly even their lives.

Having swept in power in a democratic landslide, Wade has the opportunity to write his destiny in history books. He must recall that he is the first person to witness the democratic and peaceful handover of power from one party to another. He should leave a legacy that should be remembered with appreciation. We hope wisdom shall be his guide – and hopefully the repeat of the Ivorian bloodshed will be a distant memory.

The writer is an African Specialist - Global Communications Director at Eaton Partnership Inc