Malawi is one of the few southern African countries where peace has reigned since independence. As some nations surrounding and near the former British colony battled in raging civil wars, the landlocked country was busy with trying to find means and ways to sustain its poor and agriculture dependent economy.

The first Malawi president, the tyrant late Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda took the country from the British with a promise of his much-touted four corner stones:- obedience, unity, loyalty and discipline - which he held to tighter to move the nation across years of untold human rights abuse and political autocracy.

He was the small big man of Africa as described by Western powers.

And he dared many. Her challenged those that sought sanctions against apartheid South Africa, and touted 'contact and dialogue' which he never let anyone with dissenting political or indeed any views contrary to his come close to.

He was Malawi's Alpha and Omega.

PEACE

Never had the country, which boasts one of the best freshwater lakes in the world, be seen by Malawians as getting closer to internal conflict. His no-nonsense security apparatus included those in the most rural communities. He called them the Malawi Youth Leaguers (MYL), little cousins to the national machinery that protected him with no mercy, the paramilitary Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP).

The MYL were custodians of culture and were asked to lead by example. They were supposed to be role models and unleashed their anger on any dissenting views on whoever tried to break the four corner stones.

They were a 'police' above in the rural areas and the masses kept their views to themselves. That helped keep peace at the local level and dissent would quickly be dealt with at the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) Arial Chairperson's 'office'.

Many never survived and very few rose up to question. Most freed and watched matters unveil from a distance.

In towns, the MYP was more feared than the police and the army put together. They exhumed military potency that spoke of no other powers the world over. With leaders Israeli trained, they were quick to argue their mission was to protect and preserve the leadership, party and nation.

They murdered and physically abused people. The few that were lucky to survive from positions of power were hounded by the secret police. Disenters were mercilessly murdered even in foreign lands.

That kept 'peace' going in the little southern African country, surrounded by economic giants that seemed not able to hold their own. Next door, Mozambique of the late Samora Machel was in the middle of a civil war and thousands of Mozambicans fled to Malawi.

That did not interfere with the Malawi national peace status. Such was the deafeneing peace that was exuded by Dr. Banda and his autocratic machinery.

BREAK OF DAWN

It was not until in the early 90s when late former unionist-cum-politician Chakufwa Chihana challenged Dr. Banda of his dictatorship. Catholic Bishops had written an open letter earlier to challenge the human rights and political abuses.

The wind of change that affected a number of southern African countries, including neighbouring Zambia, swept through the country amid fears of internal conflict and untold human rights abuses. Many feared Malawi was now at the end of its peacve ebb. The time had come to sing a new song - that of bloodshed.

Dr. Banda himself, supported by his ruthless secret police, party leaders, and the MYP worked to bring fear demkocracy would mean war. And come 1992 Malawi however peacefully held its first and only referendum after the international community bulldozed and convinced Dr. Banda to give his people a chance at an option - multiparty or single party rule.

He fell for it and lost. Two years later in 1994 Dr. Banda was ousted at a hotly contested Presidential and Parliamentary Elections (PPEs). Earlier, the MYP had made a serious mistake by trying to overshadow the discipline and prowess of the Malawi Army which sprung into action to disarm them in running battles for a period of a few days or a week.

A 'handful bullets' were shot and the MYP vanished. No civil war started and Dr. Banda's MCP had not better option but face the PPEs in the absence of their terror machinery - the MYP.

DEMOCRACY

Enter Bakilki Muluzi of the United Democratioc Front (UDF). Malawians for the first time had in a long period of slumber the choice to have divergeant views, opposing some of the poor policies the UDF government proposed and forced on its people.

A number of political parties mushroomed, made noisem, and countless others naturally disappeared under the cunning government machinery which employed a divide and rule strategy. most of the new parties, except for the Alliance For Democracy (AFORD) of Chihana were break-offs or direct cousins of the MCP and later the UDF.

The UDF itself is a direct offspring of the MCP, Muluzi having served the party as its Secretary General including at its worst and most tyrant era - when the four matryrs, three ministers and a parliamentarian were 'murdered' in Mwanza.

MCP's John Tembo was arrested in the 'Murder Trial' and later released for lack of adequate evidence. He has since been leader of the opposition parties in parliament till this day.

At the end of his first term of office, Muluzi started to show trends of a Yoweri Museveni-like dictatorship. For instance, he put in place the Young Democrats (YDs) under the disguise for youths and the unemployed to endeavour in economic activtiies after accessing loans.

He ruled by paying people and later within the mid of his second term, tried to change the constitution to allow him to stand for a third term. When this failed he tried to push for an extended 7 year term to replace the Constitutional two five year terms. His (YDs) terrorised opponents and went as far as burning vehicles and beating parliamentarians within parliamentary grounds in the straight face of the 'useless' police.

The MCP saw a chance and resounded its warning, that democracy would mean war and that only if its leadership and the party were elected into power, would Malawi be saved bloodshed.

Muluzi gave up to his further presidential whims and chose a total foreigner afetr a serious internal power struggle. War failed to take place in Malawi even after Muluzi and his UDF warned he would unleash the might of the military on the opposition and anyone who dared to oppose the UDF its chance to further rule now more impoverished Malawi.

PEACE TEST

That stranger was the present president, Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika whose previous attempts at the ballot for the presidency under the little known United Party (UP) were minor. At one attempt, his party scored an alleged 6 votes at the presidency!

When the UDF won after Muluzi went flat out countrywide selling Mutharika, it did not take long for the new broom at state house to dump the party which he called 'corrupt'. Bitter enmity was born between the two and signs for possible conflict were once again registered on the Malawian socio-political landscape.

Lucky enough, Muluzi swallowed his pride but resurfaced to try and remove Mutharika from power during the most tensed period - through impeachment. Moved by popular muscian and parliamentarian, Lucius Banda, the UDF ganged up with the entire opposition to oust a 'powerless' and politically inexperienced Mutharika.

He was saved by an injunction sought by one of his parliamentarians now a cabinet-minister Yunus Mussa. The period was so tensed that Mutharika also sought the involvement of the civil society organisations and the international community - particularly where the opposition put down its feet and refused to pass the national budget.

Section 65, for impeachment, they bayed, "first" and "budget later". Soon the opposition under the same injunction let go and Mutharika's administration found some space to breath.

VOTE OF SYMPATHY

The impeachement over the budget passing move was the biggest mistake on the part of the opposition parties. Civil society and the general public moved to punish the camp in the May 2009 PPEs.

Coupled by a seeming humbleness, and willingnmess to move with the masses, Mutharika managed to convince those that doubted his capabilies to join the majority to vote for him. At large, the vote was a sympathy call and a big punishment for the opposition's carelessness.

The stalling of the budget had brought misery in the health and education sectors in large, and the whole service delivery machinery in all. The opposition had shot itself in the foot.

Two years down the line in his second term, Mutharika has started to show that he is a leader who cannot listen. Someone who knows all and who can manage the country single-handed. Slowly, he has shown his true colours and a majority of the general public have lost trust in his leadership and administration.

For starters, his administration has employed tactics meant to frustrate not only the opposition in parliament, but the nation in whole. For instance, laws have been made and passed without much ado powered by his ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) majority members of parliament.

Most of these, despite being educated, pay a blind eye to bad laws - forced by an internal clique of former MCP and UDF leaders. Mutharika has now embarked on a campaign to spite and denounce all those that try to advise him on growing poor governance and economic policies.

He has steadily lost track in leadership faster than he had had to withstand his humble fight to the leadership. The international community has cautioned the leadership of poor governance, human rights trends, bad laws, and growing dictatorship tendencies.

MASS DEMONSTRATIONS

Come July 20, 2011 this Wednesday, Mutharika and Malawians at large will go through a historical test at the nation's peace. Civil society organisations, opposition leaders, the faith community and labour and legal groups have said enough is enough.

Tomorrow, they will lead Malawians of all trade and manner, in a mass demonstration to protest their right to an improved economy, better managed governance, citizen-oriented laws, and mostly, a chance at reshaping Malawians outgrowing status.

In just less than 2 years, Malawi has faced acute fuel and forex shortage. Electricity and water supply are erratic crippling the economy and the production industry. Bad laws have been made including Section 46 giving powers to an information minister to ban publications he believes are contrary to government aspirations; a law to deny Malawians a chance to get an injunction to seek remedy against government or public figures; and many more.

The ruling party, at Mutharika's behest, also fired Vice President Joyce Banda for refusing to accept the president's younger brother, Peter Mutharika, as the next DPP and presidential candidate in 2014. All those that have refused to endorse Peter have been fired, some have had cases of corruption and other levelled against them.

As if that is not enough, Mutharika deported British Ambassador to Lilongwe three months ago following a leaked cable to his bosses in London. Fergus Cochraine-Dyet had warned of poor governance, economic and human rights records in Malawi. He also feared Mutharika was 'becoming a dictator' - angering the president.

On July 14, London said it had stopped all its budgetary support to Malawi at 43%, and Mutharika's administration responded that this was a drop in the ocean as Malawi's economy would not be moved. Mutharika also refused to apologise for deporting Cochraine-Dyet and challenged at 47, Malawi was 'independent' enough to care for herself.

During the indepdence celebrations in the nrothern City of Mzuzu on 6th July 2011, he resounded his Zero-Deficit Budget (ZDB), and also ironically stated the country would still need international donor support.

Common necesities have gone up in price, fuel is scarce, public transportation fairs gone up, taxes leveled on the most basic materials including salt, and blackouts have been announced to last 6 hours a day till December year end.

The mass demonstrations are demanding an explanation from the head of state, who timing the protests, has allegedly garnered together synmpathisers and thugs to counter the peaceful demonstrations.

A few months ago when he stalled another peaceful protest by arrested its leaders, he said no demonstrations would take place without a MK2 million bond. Analysists and legal experts have challengted the decree, saying it is against the given rights to free and fair demonstrations in the constitution.

As the hour clocks closer to D-Day, the police are in specialised training to counter the demonstrations, and violence has already emerged where two privately-owned Zodiak Broadcasting Service (ZBS) vehicles have been smashed and torched.

Mutharika is on record as having asked his loyalists, particularly the former DPP Youth Morale (YMs) who he christened the DPP Cadets. Critics voiced their concerne, arguing cadets in its own terminology was contrary to a group that worked on the economy, rather that it was militant.

As we went to press, the mass demonstration leaders joined by opposition leaders, the national Malawi congress of Trade Unions, the Public Affairs Committee made up of faith based organisations across the country, the Malawi Law Society, the government funded Malawi human Rights Commission (MHRC) and various civil organisations and university students, including the self-employed and vendors, and promised they will demonstrate.

Meanwhile, the military has not shown any interest to be involved, and human rights groups and civil society organs have called on government to respect the right to hold peaceful demonstrations. It is the police that have acted with a heavy and careless attitude that the world should be watching our for!

When Malawi rises tomorrow morning, it will be a brand new day where Malawi's peace will be taken to test. Will it hold or not? Only Bingu wa Mutharika and his administration will hold key to a peaceful reforms demand.

Those demonstrating have been called to wear something red. Probably a symbol of an anger long held back.

As the die is cast, will Malawi prove itself Africa's peaceful country once again?

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